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Dirty Money – Geld regiert die Welt ist eine US-amerikanische True-Crime-Dokumentationsfernsehserie des Regisseurs Alex Gibney aus dem Jahr Die Serie wurde am Januar beim Video-on-Demand-Anbieter Netflix veröffentlicht. Ein zweite. Dirty Money – Geld regiert die Welt (Originaltitel Dirty Money) ist eine US-amerikanische True-Crime-Dokumentationsfernsehserie des Regisseurs Alex Gibney. Dirty Money steht für: Geldwäsche · Dirty Money – Geld regiert die Welt, US-amerikanische Dokumentationsfernsehserie aus dem Jahr ; Dirty Money. Der Oscar-gekürte Filmemacher Alex Gibney ist bereits für Dokus über Enron, Wikileaks, Scientology und andere bekannt. Videos. Dirty Money – Geld regiert die. Dirty Money. 2 SeasonsTrue Crime Documentaries. From crippling payday loans to cars that cheat emissions tests, this investigative series exposes. Dirty Mony ist eine Dokumentarserie aus dem Hause Netflix, die erstmals am veröffentlicht wurde. Kreiert von Alex Gibney widmet sich die True-C... dirty money Bedeutung, Definition dirty money: money that someone gets in an unfair, illegal, or dishonest way.

Self - Former Personal Banker, St. Self - Alex's Wife 1 episode, Hans Mercier Self - Ret. General, Mexican Army 1 episode, Donald Trump Self - President 3 episodes, Aaron Carr Self - Professional Guardian 1 episode, Frank Maderal Self - Asst.
US Attorney, - 1 episode, Mahathir Mohamad Self - Constructive Executive 1 episode, Kim Tucker Self - Investigative Reporter 1 episode, Davis Ford Self - Business Yogi 1 episode, Blaine Tucker Self - Scott's Brother 1 episode, Dale Jurasek Self - Prosecutor 1 episode, A.
Self - Gossip Columnist 1 episode, John Self - Scott's Mother 1 episode, Elizabeth Warren Edit Storyline A Netflix Original Series documenting various stories about exposing the greed, corruption, and crime spreading through the global economy.
Was this review helpful to you? Yes No Report this. Add the first question. Country: USA. Language: English. Runtime: 60 min. Color: Color.
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Self - Presenter 1 episode, Self - Investigative Journalist 1 episode, Self - Short Seller, Safkhet Capital 1 episode, Self - Interviewer 1 episode, Self - Reporter, The New Yorker 1 episode, Helena, CA 1 episode, Self - People's Justice Party of Malaysia 1 episode, Self - Payday Loan Victim 1 episode, Self - Alex's Wife 1 episode, Self - Maple Syrup Lawyer 1 episode, General, Mexican Army 1 episode, Self - President 3 episodes, Self - Founder, Housing Rights Initiative 1 episode, Self - Professional Guardian 1 episode, US Attorney, - 1 episode, Self - Prime Minister, Malaysia 1 episode, Self - New York Times Reporter 1 episode, Self - Anti-Federation Producer 1 episode, Self - Journalist, Vanity Fair 1 episode, Self - Constructive Executive 1 episode, Self - Scott's Wife 1 episode, Self - Attorney At Law 1 episode, Self - Investigative Reporter 1 episode, Self - Environmental Engineer, Formosa Consultant 1 episode, Self - VW Employee 1 episode, Self - Short Seller, Citron Research 1 episode, Self - Scott Tucker's Lawyer 1 episode, Self - Pro-Federation Producer 1 episode, Self - Wall Street Journal Reporter 1 episode, Self - Ward of the State of Massachusetts 1 episode, Self - Executive Director, Goldman Sachs, - 1 episode, Self - Short Seller, Bronte Capital 1 episode, That deeply flawed initiative allowed more than 2, corporations to connive with the regime of the Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein to avoid UN-imposed sanctions, and it serves as an example of the failure of global anticorruption conventions.
The program was intended to ensure that the most vulnerable people in Iraq did not suffer for the actions of their government.
Instead, it allowed insiders in Baghdad to profit by extracting kickbacks from companies hungry for oil, all the while denying ordinary Iraqis food, clean water, and basic medicines.
The scandal demonstrated how, when confronted by officials who demand bribes, corporations often put the interests of their shareholders ahead of those of their own governments.
The reward far outweighs the risk. From this perspective, paying bribes is rational. FCPA prosecutions and the congressional investigations that sometimes accompany them are central to understanding how corruption works and remain the best resource available to anyone working on the problem.
Montero uses them to great effect in his analysis of corruption in the Greek defense industry in the late s and early years of this century, when American, Russian, and European arms companies paid off government insiders in order to win contracts, inflating their prices to cover the cost of the bribes.
The payment system was intended to reward performance but ended up incentivizing overmedication. The results were predictable: middlemen bribed doctors on behalf of major pharmaceutical firms desperate to take advantage of growth that was no longer available in their home markets.
This not only undermined trust in doctors but also had serious public health consequences. Montero summarizes research showing that the higher the level of public dishonesty in a country, the lower its economic growth and the greater its income inequality.
And that is just what can be measured: How do you quantify the loss of trust in public officials and institutions that results from pervasive bribery?
How will Ukrainians, for example, be able to build true democracy when they have become so accustomed to public servants stealing rather than serving?
Everyone who writes about corruption finds it easier to diagnose the disease than to prescribe a treatment. This results partly from the lack of knowledge about the precise dimensions of corruption and also reflects just how stubborn the problem is.
The modern epidemic of offshore-enabled venality, for example, is an outgrowth of globalization, and anything that restricted those financial flows would also limit the activities of powerful, well-networked, and tax-averse corporations and individuals.
Such efforts would naturally struggle to gain political traction. He does not, however, address the problem of how to achieve those changes in countries that have become so corrupt that the entire political class is on the take.
Why would anyone in the Kremlin, for example, agree to reforms that would undermine its entire business model?
Even if ordinary Russians were to rise up in revolt, the elite would still get to keep its stolen wealth, which is stashed irretrievably offshore.
The only solution is long-term, incremental efforts to force honesty on public servants and private citizens alike.
But that is incredibly hard to achieve when the rewards of corruption are so high and the downsides are so few.
He does not specify new ways in which they should act together, however, or how they can overcome the distrust that has infected politics all over the world—and made international cooperation less likely now than it has been for decades.
A critical solution that Montero does not tackle at great length is for governments to commit to corporate transparency. Every episode of corruption described in Kickback involves the use of anonymous corporate structures that allow crooked officials to put a layer of deniability between themselves and the bribes they have solicited and make it possible for corporations to claim that they were unaware that they were engaging in bribery.
It remains easy and absurdly cheap to create a network of shell companies that will baffle even the best-resourced law enforcement agencies by making it virtually impossible to determine the true owners of any particular financial entity.
History has shown that when given the option of committing a crime with impunity, humans tend to commit the crime.
Although there has been some movement in the European Union and among some lawmakers in the U. If major wealth havens such as Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States were to publicly declare the ownership of all real estate holdings and corporate entities, the space available for corrupt actors would shrink dramatically, and law enforcement agencies would find their jobs much easier.
Montero has done a good job of explaining why everyone should care about corruption. It is now up to politicians, academics, and government officials to make it a priority.
Otherwise, the kind of authoritarian kleptocracy now ascendant in places such as the Philippines and Russia will become ever more the global norm.
Consider how even relatively small amounts of murky cash have destabilized the U. Fighting corruption is not just worth doing for its own sake.
It is crucial to the defense of liberal democracy. This site uses cookies to improve your user experience. Click here to learn more.
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